October 1812 Stories

First Edition Published September 3, 2015

Second Edition Published August 5, 2016

Third Edition Published July 15, 2018

Fourth Edition Published February 19, 2022

Copyright by Fred Blair

Recent additions and changes are in blue text.

October 4, 1812

At Prescott

            Colonel Robert Lethbridge, Inspecting Field Officer of the Militia, had ordered all available militia to assemble at Prescott for a raid on Ogdensburg in retaliation for the American raid on Gananoque in September.  He assembled 25 bateaux, 2 gunboats, 125 men from the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencible Regiment and about 600 men from the Glengarry, Dundas, and Grenville Militias.  Unfortunately, his plans to attack were obvious to the Americans across the river and they prepared their defences for engagement.  Battery fire on the British bateaux crossing the river quickly forced them back.  At least 3 men were killed and 9 wounded.[1]

 

October 6, 1812

On the Niagara Frontier

            A Garrison Order at Fort George required that the militia men there to be armed from day break until dusk.  One third of the men were to sleep fully clothed with their arms at hand.[2]

            Sergeant Thomas Humberstone was given a leave of absence from Captain Duncan Cameron’s Flank Company of the 3rd York Militia by order of Major General Brock.  He was to serve as Brock’s orderly at Fort George.[3] [4]

 

October 7, 1812

At Prescott

            Oliver Everts of Augusta Township had supplied the British commissary and barracks at Prescott with:

 

12 buckets at 3 shillings, 6 pence each

8 axe helves (handles) at 7 shillings and one-half pence each

131 pounds of candles at 1 shilling, 3 pence per pound

 

On November 6th, he delivered an additional 94 and a half pounds of candles.[5]

 

October 9, 1812

On the Niagara River

            A British convoy, including the brigs Caledonia and Adams, arrived at Fort Erie at the head of the Niagara River on October 8th.  The Caledonia had formerly belonged to the North West Company and the Adams had been captured at Detroit in August.[6]

            John R. Williams was among a group of American citizens who had received permission to sail to New York State when the two brigs left the Detroit area on October 1st.  When the vessels arrived at Fort Erie the American passengers were given permission to cross over to Buffalo in small boats at sunset on the 8th.  Most of Williams’ baggage was left on the deck of the Caledonia to be brought over later.  In Buffalo, he learned that the Americans planned to cross the river and attempt to capture the British vessels that night.  Williams planned to remain awake until the Caledonia was brought over to the harbour at Black Rock so he could reclaim his baggage.

            He estimated that the attack began about three o’clock in the morning.  He proceeded from Buffalo to Black Rock at that time and saw the vessels Caledonia and Detroit drifting down the river.  The Caledonia was brought into the harbour and Williams made several attempts to board it during intermittent fire from across the river.  He managed to remove some of his baggage but was later compelled to leave the vessel by the new American commander.  Although the Americans unloaded the vessel during the day, he was unable to recover his property and had to eventually leave Black Rock without it.  He noted that the British guns had struck the brig in the rudder, hull, and quarter.

            After the war the North West Company made a war loss claim for the value of their lost brig and Williams wrote his testimony of the event for that claim.[7]

            Williams also made his own war loss claim to the American House of Representatives.

 

October 10, 1812

            The Adams had drifted down river to Squaw Island where there had been a contest to possess it.  Captain John Norton and his warriors marched there from Niagara during the night and observed the burnt remnant of the vessel when they arrived in the morning.  They observed a number of American troops on the opposite shore marching down river.[8]

In York

            An advertisement appeared in a Town of York newspaper reporting that the Reverend John Strachan had opened a school offering classical and common education.[9]

 

October 11, 1812

On the Niagara River

Captain John Norton and his warriors marched through the rain back to Niagara.[10]

            The Americans attempted to attack Fort George by crossing the Niagara River in small boats.  Heavy rain and cannon fire from the fort forced them to turn back.

 

October 12, 1812

            Brock had ordered Major Thomas Evans to arrange a prisoner exchange with the Americans across from Queenston.  Major Evans arrived at Queenston on the 12th and proceeded, under musket fire from across the river, to the home of Captain Thomas Dickson of the 2nd Lincoln Militia.  He asked Mrs. Dickson for a white handkerchief to use as a flag of truce so that he and the captain could cross the river to negotiate with the Americans.  Mrs. Dickson and others present objected that the flag would not be respected. 

            The two men put their canoe into the river while again under fire, but lost control of it in the eddies, and the Americans then gave a signal for their men to cease fire.  By the time they reached the opposite shore they were ankle deep in water but were commanded under threat of a bayonet not to step out of the canoe.  After a discussion with an American officer, they waited in the canoe for two hours, at which time they were informed that the Americans had marched their prisoners to Albany and that it would take two days to bring them back. 

            While waiting, the major had noted that there were boats along the river bank hidden under brush.  The two men returned to Queenston where the major ordered the Dicksons to abandon their house on the beach as he feared an attack was imminent.  He then reported his discovery to his senior British officers.[11] 

            Brock ordered Colonel Thomas Talbot, Commander of the London District Militia, to send him 200 men without delay as an attack was expected.  The men were to bring blankets and dress according to the season of the year.[12]

            Captain John Norton recorded that many of his warriors had returned home and he had only 300 warriors left at Niagara.  The absent warriors had worn out their moccasins marching, were in need of warmer clothing, and needed to hunt deer to feed their families through the winter.[13]

 

October 13, 1812

Battle of Queenston Heights

            In his diary, Private Samuel Smith, of the 5th Lincoln Militia, recorded that he was one of a few men selected from Captain Samuel Hatt’s Company to join Captain William’s 49th British Regulars on this day.  He also reported that while he was on guard duty on the Niagara River, he spotted the American boats approaching and gave the alarm.  He was 17 years old and a resident of Ancaster Township.[14]

            Upon sighting the American boats crossing in the early morning darkness, Captain John C. Ball of the Provincial Artillery opened fire upon them.  The British cannon fire awoke General Brock from his sleep at Fort George.  The Americans opened fire from Fort Niagara on the Town of Niagara setting some houses afire.  The British at Fort George returned fire across the river. [15]

            The gaol and a blockhouse at Niagara were bombarded, set on fire, and destroyed.  They had held almost 300 prisoners charged with sedition and treason.[16]

 

            About four o’clock in the morning, about 60 British 49th Grenadiers and Captain Hatt’s militia advanced with a 3 pounder towards the first American landing party.  As the Americans were closely grouped together on the shore, the British exchange of fire wounded Colonel Van Rensselaer and 3 of his captains.  More of the British advanced to engage the Americans, while the 49th Light Infantry and Captain John Chisholm’s 2nd York Militia Company fired down from the top of the escarpment.[17]

 

            Three American bateaux that could not make the planned landing above Queenston came ashore in the hollow below Mr. Hamilton’s garden in the town and were met by a party of regulars and militia who killed some of the Americans and took the rest prisoner.[18]

 

            The halfway point on the road between Niagara and Queenston was at Brown’s Point.  The 3rd York Militia Flank Companies were stationed there and at Vrooman’s Point under Captains Duncan Cameron and Stephen Heward.  Sentries reported the flash of gunfire at Queenston and the militia were ordered under arms.  A rider was dispatched to Queenston for information, but just after he left a rider arrived from the town with orders for the two companies to march at once to Queenston to engage the crossing Americans.

            Lieutenant William Jarvie of Captain Cameron’s Company was dispatched to alert Fort George.  Halfway to Niagara, he passed Major General Brock riding towards Queenston.  He had difficulty reining in his horse and yelled for the general to stop.  Brock did not yield and Jarvie was forced to turn about and catch up to him to deliver his messages.  As they both rode towards Queenston, Brock issued orders for Jarvie to head to Fort George and tell General Sheaffe to send all of the reserve and that the small party of Indigenous warriors should occupy the woods near the fort.

            The lieutenant wheeled about for the fort but had not gone far when he encountered Colonel John Macdonell in pursuit of Brock.  In his hurry to ride out the colonel had left his sword behind.  After a brief discussion, Macdonell borrowed Jarvie’s sword and requested that Jarvie collect the colonel’s sword at the fort and bring it with him upon his return to Queenston.[19]

            John Richardson referred to Lieutenant William Jarvie as Lieutenant Jarvis.  Both men were also named William and served in the 3rd York Militia.  These two lieutenants have been confused with each other a number of times.

 

            Captain John Norton was ordered to get his warriors at Niagara ready for battle.  Lieutenant Colonel Evans then informed him that the Americans were landing at Queenston and to proceed there as soon as possible and he and his warriors began running there.[20]

 

            Laura Secord later wrote that she had left Queenston with cannon balls flying about her in every direction.[21]

            Laura fled with her children to her relatives in St. David’s, about three miles away.  She returned home by herself after the fighting had ceased to find wounded men laying everywhere.  Her husband, James, was among them, wounded in the knee and shoulder.  An officer helped her carry James to his home.[22]

 

            Robert Campbell’s store in the Town of Niagara was hit twice by hot shot.  The shot cut away two shelves and broke glass decanters, tumblers, drinking glasses, and crockery.[23]

            When American cannons set fire to some of the houses in Queenston a group of militia men collected water buckets and attempted to put the fires out.[24]

 

            James Bunting of Louth Township took care of four wounded men in his home.  Two were Upper Canadian militia men and two were from the 49th Regiment.[25]

            William Albertson and his father, David Albertson, were residents of Trafalgar Township in western York County.  On June 4, 1812, he had been selected to serve in the 1st Flank Company of the 2nd York Militia under Captain John Chisholm.  He took part in Brock’s charge up the escarpment and was within a few feet of the general when he was killed.  William received a head wound himself but fought on and took part in Sheaffe’s capture of the Americans later in the day.[26] 

A militia payroll indicated that he was in the hospital from at least October 25th to November 24th.[27]

Captain John Chisholm’s Flank Company was stationed on top of the heights with the British regulars when the Americans began crossing the river.  Before Brock arrived in the town, the British on the heights had descended to the Town of Queenston to help defend it.[28]

 

While the Americans were driven back, a party of them found the way onto the escarpment, and most of the American force joined them there.  Brock attempted to charge up the escarpment with a small force but was killed.

Officers of the 3rd York advanced up the escarpment with some regular infantry after Brock’s death.  As the Americans were firing from behind trees, they ordered their men to take cover behind trees as well and return fire.  Captain Duncan Cameron was bruised on the thigh by a musket ball while aiding a wounded colonel.  Most of the officers were killed or wounded and the men were forced to retreat back down the side of the escarpment.[29]

 Indigenous warriors gained the heights and forced the Americans to cluster their forces together on the field above the town with the river at their backs, as the warriors fired from the cover of the woods.

 

            After Brock was killed, his body was taken down the hill in a stretcher to the Haney farm where the women washed his clothes and wrapped his body in blankets.  The women left the body to take care of their farm chores.  Black smoke filled the air, the sky was sometimes black as night while at other times the sun shone through.  The farm women wore pieces of cloth over their mouths to aid breathing.  The cows came in early for milking thinking that it was evening.  About this time Brock’s body was taken away.[30]

            The Haney men were thought to have been serving with the 2nd Lincoln Militia during the battle. 

 

            John Stiver reported that he had been serving as an orderly to Major Glegg of the 41st Regiment.  He had the stirrup shot off his saddle and the major “had two horses shot from under him.”  After Major Hill was wounded, John was ordered to take him to the hospital and “had to be away for some time from the action.”

John later joined Captain Merritt’s Dragoons and was captured in June, 1813.  Anne Gesso aided him in his escape from Fort Niagara.[31]

 

            Within a few miles of Queenston, Captain John Norton heard that Brock was dead and that the Americans were advancing through the woods towards Niagara to the west of the road.  John did not believe this report as he knew that those woods were almost impassable because of fallen trees.  He ordered the warriors into the woods and took the circuitous route to the west of the American forces on top of the heights.  They proceeded in 5 or 6 single file groups but only encountered a few militia men fleeing the battle who reported that thousands of Americans were pursuing them.  Upon hearing this report most of the warriors returned to Niagara to defend their families there.  By the time that John’s warriors reached the heights they were reduced to about 80 warriors.  People that they encountered told them where the Americans were on top of the heights and John divided his force into three files that separately approached up through the woods on the west side of the Americans.  They were the first defenders to attack them from on the heights.  The three groups of warriors took turns attacking.  When a group of Americans advanced upon one group of warriors they would retire and another group would engage the Americans from a different angle.  The Americans would retreat back to their main force and a third group would then engage the main force to entice them to advance again.  John gave a more detailed report of these engagements in his recollections.  While the British army was assembled on the open field to the south, John’s warriors were reinforced with some Cayuga that doubled the warrior’s number.[32]

            This strategy was credited with forcing the Americans on the height to waste their ammunition firing at warriors hidden in the woods to the extent that they only had enough to fire one volley at the British army when they arrived later.  Although the Americans had requested reinforcements and more supplies from their general, he escaped back across the river with the last boat and was unable to rally support.

 

            Sheaffe arrived and marched the British around the heights and positioned his army south of the Americans before ordering a charge that forced the Americans to surrender.  Among the Upper Canadian corps and militias present on his left flank were the Coloured Corps.

 

Captain William Applegarth’s 2nd Flank Company of the 2nd York Militia had been stationed in the Town of Queenston when the fighting began.  Serving in his company were the three Shoup bothers, Adam, George, and John.[33]

Adam and John had volunteered for service in this company in June.  The brother’s presence during the battle was unusual as their family were Mennonites and were exempted from carrying arms.[34]

 

            Sir John Beverley Robinson, born in 1791 in Lower Canada, was the son of a Loyalist who arrived in Upper Canada in 1792.  John studied law and was articled to Attorney General John Macdonald.  When war broke out, he accepted a commission as a lieutenant in the 3rd York Militia and was present at the Battle of Queenston Heights where Macdonald was killed with Brock.  Lieutenant Robinson escorted American prisoners to Kingston after the battle.  When he returned to York a number of people congratulated him on his promotion.  He suspected that he had been made a captain but was surprised to learn that he had been made the acting attorney general of the province.  In 1814, he served as the prosecutor at the treason trial at the Ancaster Assizes.[35]

            He had also been present at the Capture of Detroit in August and was taken prisoner at the American Capture of York in 1813.[36]

 

            Captain Duncan Cameron of the 3rd York Militia reported that he had lost three privates during the battle.  Thomas Smith of the Town of York had been killed, Andrew Kennedy of Markham Township had been disabled, and Thomas Major of Pickering Township had been disabled.  None of the three men had a wife at the time but Thomas left five children.[37]

            Thomas Smith’s wife died soon after he did when she gave birth to twins.  In 1815, Thomas Simson had the care of one of the two-year old twins and the five-year old boy.  John Thomson had the other twin and Andrew Thomson had the eight-year old girl.  The twins were granted ten pounds each and the older children eight.[38]  In 1817, Thomas Smith Sr. received a pension as the guardian of his son’s children.[39]       

            On February 19, 1813, the Loyal and Patriotic Society provided financial support to Andrew Kennedy who had lost his leg while serving in the militia, Thomas Major who was badly wounded in the leg, and John Tyrae who was badly wounded in both legs were all to receive aid.  Andrew and Thomas each received two pounds and John received three.  John Kennedy, Andrew’s father also received a weekly allowance.  They had all served in Captain Duncan Cameron’s Flank Company of the 3rd York Militia.[40]

            The unusual frequency of leg wounds here may have been the result of American muskets being fired at the limits of their range and the musket balls losing height over that distance.  However, Thomas Major recorded that he had lost his calf to a six-pound shot.[41]

 

            John Richardson reported that nine Indigenous warriors supporting the British were killed.  Cruikshank recorded five of their names as,

Chief Ayanete, Cayuga

Chief Kayentatirhon, Cayuga

Ta Kanentye, Onondaga

Kayarawagor, Oneida

 Sakangonguquate, Oneida[42]

 

Upper Canadian Casualties, Killed or Died of Wounds

Private Walter Bates, 2nd York, November 24, 1812

Private Henry Cope, 2nd York, October 13, 1812[43]

Private Joseph Crawford, 3rd York, died of wounds

Private Simon Devins, 3rd York, December 10, 1812

Private John Gordon, 5th Lincoln, about October 24, 1812[44]

Private Thomas Smith, 3rd York, October 13, 1812[45]

Private Timothy Street, 2nd York, October 24, 1812[46]

Private Johnston Yeomans, 3rd York, December 24, 1812[47]

 

Upper Canadian Wounded

Captain Duncan Cameron, elbow, 3rd York Militia

John Fryar, both legs

William Heron

Private Andrew Kennedy, lost a leg, 3rd York Militia[48]

Lieutenant Archibald MacLean, leg wound, 3rd York Militia

Private Thomas Major, 3rd York Militia

Captain James Secord, 1st Lincoln Militia

Private Daniel Steward, 1st Lincoln Militia

Private John Tirer, 3rd Yok Militia

Private David Treanor, 5th Lincoln Militia [49] [50]

 

            Mary Sutherland, the wife of Charles Sutherland, applied for aid on the basis that her husband was killed at the battle but an investigation revealed that he had deserted to the enemy.[51]

            Private Thomas Smith’s children were orphaned by his death and they passed into the care of William Smith Sr.[52]

            Private John Tirer was wounded in both legs by a musket ball.  He would not be able to return home until November 10th.[53]

 

October 14, 1812

            Private Richard Hill of Grimsby rode his horse to Fort George with members of the 4th Lincoln Militia.  While he left his horse unattended, Indigenous warriors attached to the British army stole his horse, saddle, and bridle.[54]

            There was a shortage of horses and oxen throughout the war and theft was common.  Many horses also died of over work or work-related injuries.

            Private John Campbell of the 1st Lincoln Militia suffered an accident and received a pension after the war for his disability.[55]

 

October 15, 1812

            Brigade Major Thomas Evans at Fort George completed a Return of British Casualties at Queenston which reported that the Lincoln Artillery had one rank and file wounded, the Lincoln Militia had one adjutant (McIntyre), one sergeant, twelve rank and file wounded, and ten rank and file missing, the York Militia had two rank and file killed, one lieutenant, one sergeant, fifteen rank and file wounded, and five rank and file missing.[56]

 

October 16, 1812

Brock’s Funeral

            A District General Order from Fort George outlined the procession for the funeral of Major General Brock and Lieutenant Colonel Macdonnell.  It included sixty men from the militia with one captain.  Macdonnell’s body was escorted by Captains Cameron and Crooks, Lieutenants Jarvis, Robinson, and Ridout, and Joseph Edwards, Esq.  The chief mourners included Mr. Dickson and Captain Cameron.  Brock’s body was escorted by Colonels Claus and Butler of the militia and Captain Powell of the militia artillery.  The officers were to wear crape on the left arm and on their sword knots, and all officers throughout the province were to wear crape on their left arm for a month.[57]

 

            Another order declared that two-thirds of the 1st and 2nd Norfolk Militia Regiments were to proceed to Chippawa and two-thirds of the 1st Oxford and 1st Middlesex Militia Regiments were to proceed to Queenston.  The men were to bring all their arms and ammunition and a blanket each.[58]

 

At York

            A Garrison Order at Fort York required the following guard duties.  Twenty-four men at the prison, eleven men at the barracks, four men at the island, four men at the landing, eight men at the town block house, eighteen men for other duty, and militia detachments to fulfill the rest of the duties.[59]

            The vessel Duke of Gloucester was to be made ready to take on prisoners of war and to be placed between the garrison and “Crookshank’s” house.  As many prisoners as possible were to be put aboard and the remainder to be placed in the gaol.  Captain Button of the 1st York Cavalry was to order a dragoon to patrol between the garrison and the landing frequently, both day and night.  The captain of the day was to visit the vessel during the day and night and to report on the state of the prisoners.[60]

            Officers commanding companies of the 3rd York Militia were to immediately pay for any missing barrack bedding.  The quarter master was to pay for the loss of his bedding and utensils.  The money was to be paid to the Barracks Master and he was to issue receipts.  The commanding officers were to present these receipts to Major William Allan.  All officers upon arriving at the garrison were to peruse Major Allan’s Order Book.[61]

 

October 17, 1812

            Captain Eli Playter of the 3rd York Militia, in York Township, reported that only half of his company reported for duty.  On the following day, he visited some of the missing men’s homes but could not find them there.[62]

Officers of the garrison at Fort York were to wear crape on their left arm “as a tribute of respect to the memory of their late deeply lamented General.”[63]

 

In Kingston

            The Kingston Gazette advertised that 600-pounds of fresh beef was required daily from November 1st to February 24th, 1813 for his Majesty’s troops stationed in the town.  People who could supply part or all of this demand were asked to contact the gazette.

On page three, another request was made for 500 barrels of both pork and flour for the months from December to March.

On page four, was a description of the Village of Sandwich, opposite Detroit.  The land had been settled along the Detroit River from Lake St. Clair, ten miles above the village, to Malden or Amherstburg, fifteen miles below.  Roads there were excellent and most of the British ships on Lakes Erie and Huron were made there.  There was also a settlement on the Thames River, about thirty miles above Sandwich, composed mostly of people who had fled the United States to escape justice.  There was another important settlement on the north shore of Lake Erie at Long Point.  Sandwich was about three hundred miles from Fort Erie and the roads between them were tolerable.  Most of the inhabitants around Sandwich were French.[64]

 

October 18, 1812

On the Niagara Frontier

            An order directed Captain Selby’s Company of the 1st York to leave Fort George and encamp at Gilbert’s house on the Niagara River.[65]

 

At York

            Garrison Order, “Any woman who presumes to bring liquor into the Garrison will be turned out of Barracks and deprived of her rations.  The Sentry at the Gate will examine every soldier’s wife that comes in & prevent her bringing in any liquor.” [66]

 

October 19, 1812

            Men guarding the prisoners were to be selected as being fit in every respect.  They were to be steady, sober, and strong in body and character.

            The barracks guard was to supply Doctor Lee with a boat and crew whenever he wished to visit the prisoners of war on board the Gloucester.

            Two muskets were to be fired as an alarm aboard the Gloucester if any of the prisoners attempted to escape.  This would alert the guards at the town block house, island, and landing to watch for escaped prisoners.  Men were also to be sent to the beach.  The guards were to report the alarm to their commanders.

            The militia arms, ammunition, and accoutrements of the militia companies in the garrison were to be inspected by Colonel Short on the following Thursday.  Any repairs required were to be completed before then.  A report was to be made of any additional arms that were required for garrison duty.[67]

            Doctor William Lee was the surgeon assigned to the 1st and 3rd York and 1st Durham Militias and to Button’s Cavalry.[68]

            General Sheaffe ordered Captain Peter Robinson’s Rifle Company of the 1st York Militia and Captain Burn’s Company to embark for Fort George.[69]

            Who was Captain Burn’s?

            American prisoners at the York garrison, including those on the Gloucester, were to be placed on the Royal George for transportation to Kingston as soon as the wind permitted.  Major William Allan of the 3rd York Militia was to accompany the prisoners.  At Kingston, the major was to take charge of all American prisoners on board the King’s vessels.[70]

 

October 20, 1812

At Fort George

            A piquet guard of militia was to patrol from the light house to the centre of the cannonade battery beyond the bateaux creek and to watch the beach.[71]

 

October 21, 1812

At Fort York

            Militia officers were to ensure that all the men in each company had the same arms in order to ensure that each company received the correct ammunition.  Some companies had two or more types of arms, which made the sorting of ammunition for each company more complicated.[72]

            Militia detachments at Fort York were to receive 120 additional arms.[73]

            A General Order commended those who had served during the Battle of Queenston Heights.  Joseph Willcocks was one of those mentioned in the order.  He would later desert to the Americans and be given command of the Canadian Volunteers.[74]

 

October 22, 1812

            General Sheaffe arrived in York and was sworn in as President.[75]

 

            At Fort York, militia officers were to prepare their muster rolls and payrolls up to October 24th.  The adjutant was to have the forms ready in the orderly room.  Men transferred into the Rifle Corps were to appear on the rolls up to the date of their transfer.  Captain Peter Robinson of the Rifle Corps was to add these men to his roll on the following date. 

            Commanding officers were to add the first letter of their name on the inside of the scrip on each fire lock and number each one in the rolls.

            The officer of the barrack guard of the militia was to ensure that lights were out after taps and to “correct any irregularities he may perceive in any of the rooms.”

            The barrack master was to deliver a half cord of wood weekly to Doctor Lee for the use of the hospital.  The wood was to be taken from the supply of the corps in the garrison according to their relative strength.[76]

            Payroll periods were from the 25th day to the 24th day of the following month.

 

October 23, 1812

            Commanding militia officers at Fort York were to ensure that their men had either lead or leather covers for the flints of their firelocks at the parade on the following morning as Captain Glegg would be inspecting arms.  Officers were also to provide their men with pickers for their firelocks.  The pickers were to be suspended from the men’s belts.

            Three men from each company were to be selected for the great gun exercise at the parade on the following morning.

            The officers were to also ensure that their men did not fire their guns and did not make away with any ammunition.

            Officers granting passes were to ensure that the time of their return was on the pass.  No men were to be absent on the twenty fourth day of each month as that was muster day.  Any man found absent was to lose his full pay and rations.

            Officers were to ensure that they had Provision Returns Books in order to record their weekly reports.[77]

 

            Loss of pay for absent militia men created problems for those of us trying to interpret payroll records.  As an example, if a man served in a regiment at Queenston during the battle on the 13th, was absent on or before the 24th, and was marked as “deserted” and received no pay, when did he leave?  Was it before, during, or after the battle?  It was much clearer when the date of the desertion was included in the remarks, but most did not indicate the date.

 

On the Niagara Frontier

            The 1st Lincoln Militia Companies on duty were ordered to march from Queenston to Fort George.  The 3rd Lincoln men under Major Warren were to march from Miller’s to Wintermute’s.  Captains Samuel Hatt’s and James Durand’s 5th Lincoln Flank Companies were to be ready to march to Chippawa.  Three companies of the 5th Lincoln were to march and occupy quarters at Palmer’s and Andrew Miller’s.  A sergeant and six privates from the militia were to escort prisoners from Fort George to York on board the Regent.[78]

 

October 24, 1812

            Militia officers stationed at Niagara were to prepare a list of older men they thought should be sent home.[79]

            Although Sheaffe had ordered about 5000 militia men to report for duty on the Niagara Frontier, after the Battle of Queenston Heights, the payrolls indicated that only 846 men were serving there on this date.  That number was to fall in the coming days as more men returned home despite incentives to stay or return to duty.[80]

 

At Prescott

            Private Samuel Randolph of the 2nd Grenville Militia was wounded and received a disability pension after the war.[81]

 

October 25, 1812

On the Niagara Frontier

            Officers of the 1st and 4th Lincoln and 2nd York Militias were promoted and appointed.[82]

 

At Fort York

            The Major General had noted that the sentry boxes were “cut and disfigured.”  Bored guards had been carving words into the wood.  Sentries were to be cautioned that this practice must cease or be severely punished.

            Officers were to challenge the guards in an “audible voice.”  Sentries challenging people passing their post were to “challenge and receive the countersign at the point of the bayonet.”  If a person was detained the sentries were not to leave their post while summing the Sergeant of the Guard.[83]

            It would have been interesting to know what graffiti the sentries were carving into their boxes.

 

            Six privates from Captain Peter Robinson’s Company of the 1st York Militia were sent to Michilimackinac in Michigan.[84]

 

In Kingston

            Michael Smith, an American Anabaptist preacher in Kingston, was waiting for his passport to cross over to New York State.  In 1816, in his book, Geographical View of Upper Canada, he wrote that on October 25th, Lieutenant Colonel William Graham of the 1st York Militia “ordered his battalion to assemble that a number might be drafted to go to Fort George.  Forty of them did not come but went out to Whitchurch township which was nearly a wilderness and joined thirty more fugitives that were already there.  Some men who were home a few days volunteered to go and bring them in but since they were not permitted to take arms, they failed and the number of fugitives increased by the first of December to 300.  When on my way to Kingston to obtain a passport I saw fifty of these people near Smith’s Creek in the Newcastle District on the main road with fife and drum beating for recruits and huzzing for Madison.  Some of these men remained in the woods all winter and Indians went out in the spring of 1813 and drove them into their caves where they were taken.  None of the militia in the Newcastle District bore arms except twelve at Presqu’ Isle harbour.  They were universally in favor of the United States.”[85]  This book was one of a number of American books that defended the declaration of war in 1812 as liberating suppressed Canadians from British tyranny.

            Was this a reliable report or an exaggeration of dissention in Upper Canada?  An official report of how many were in the woods has not been found.  Also, there were no additional men being sent to Fort George at that time.  It would seem unlikely that 300 men were hidden in Whitchurch Township as the logistics of hiding and supplying them would have been difficult.

            Some of the 1st York Militia Rolls reported that 20 militia men searched for 8 days in November to find some deserters who were “hiding in the woods.”  Five men were recorded as absent without leave that month before October 25th.  Nine deserted in November and 21 in December.

In the 3rd York Militia Rolls, there was one report that Andrew Diver had deserted and was kept hidden in the woods by his family.  Lieutenant Ely Playter recorded in his journal that he had looked for some of his deserters in the woods as well.  Three men in his company were absent without leave before October 25th.  Eleven deserted from the regiment in November and 10 in December.

Deserters of the 2nd York Militia would have been unlikely to have fled to Whitchurch Township as they were living between Etobicoke Township and the Niagara Frontier.

 

October 26, 1812

In York

            A Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery was held at York in the Home District by Justice Thomas Scott.  Henry Ausman was found guilty of assault and battery.  George and Catherin Langstreet were witnesses for the prosecution.  Henry was found guilty and sentenced to be confined for three months, to pay a fine of twelve pounds and ten shillings, to be detained until the fine was paid, and to find two sureties for his good behaviour for twelve months and particularly to George Langstreet for one hundred pounds.

            Henry, alias Prince, was found guilty of petty larceny and was sentenced to be confined for three months, to be whipped three times with thirty-nine lashes each time in a most public manner while in confinement.

            William Jones and Charlotte Robinson were found guilty of larceny.  They were each to be confined for six months in solitary and to be whipped with thirty-nine lashes three times during confinement.  William was to be whipped in public, but Charlotte in private.  At the end of their confinement, they were each to find two sureties for their good behaviour.[86]

 

            At Fort York, no militia soldier was to be given leave without the permission of the commanding officer.  Any man returning from being absent without leave was to be ordered to the garrison immediately.[87]

 

October 30, 1812

            Dr. Lee, at Fort York was to receive a return on the strength of the militia corps in the garrison on October 24th, by the following morning.  It was to include women and children, if any were in the garrison.[88]

            Captain Arnold and his company were to return home from their duty at the York garrison.[89]  Who was Captain Arnold?

 

October 31, 1812

            During October, Ely Playter delivered a load of hay, cut, raked, and drew in his buckwheat, bought some tallow, delivered some apples, drew some cord wood for Mr. Ridout, ground an axe, drew in additional wood, and ploughed his wheat fields.[90]

            There was a gap in the diary after this date and it did not start up again until April of 1813.

 

            Benjamin Smith in Ancaster Township continued plowing, took up his oats, fixed his wagon on a rainy day, went to a Sunday meeting with his wife Nancy, read his Book on Sundays, fixed his sheep pen, cleaned up his rye, hauled in his oats, and heard at Terryberry’s that Yankee’s had been taken prisoner (at Queenston).

Benjamin trained with the 5th Lincoln Militia at Bowman’s.  On the 17th he mustered at Ackman’s and stayed overnight at Adam Green’s.  He did not return home until December 11th.  On the 18th they marched to the 12 Mile Creek and stayed at the still house (distillery).  On the 19th they marched to McKarn’s and stayed there until October 25th when they went to Rorback’s barn.  The following day they marched to Miller’s, where they remained until November 29th.[91]

It would be interesting to map the militia company’s movements but Benjamin often omitted first names, his spelling of surnames was sometimes incorrect, and finding the lot and concession numbers for the places where they stayed might be difficult.

From October 17th to 24th, Benjamin served as a private in Captain John Smith’s Company of the 5th Lincoln Militia.[92]

From October 25th to November 24th, he served in the same company.[93]

Nancy’s brother, John Gordon, died around the 24th of October from wounds he received at the Battle of Queenston Heights.[94]

 

Upper Canadian Service Deaths

Private Levi Beemer, 2nd Norfolk, disease, October 24, 1812,

Orphaned children to Matha Wolley

Private Abraham Clendennen, 1st Lincoln, illness, October 25, 1812,

widow Hannah Clendennen

Private Jonathan Griffin, 4th Lincoln, disease, October 20, 1812,

Orphaned children to Sarah Griffin

Private Richard Hazel, 1st Essex, illness, October 10, 1812,

Widow Hannah Hazel

Baty Hebert, October 15, 1812[95]

Private Christopher Wigley, 1st Essex, illness, October 11, 1812,

Widow Mary Wigley [96] [97]

 

Sources



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[3] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 1040-1052.

[4] Thomas Humberstone (1776-1849), https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Humberstone-42, accessed Feb. 14, 2019.

[5] Collections Canada, War of 1812, Board of Claims and Losses, Microfilm t-1126, pages 471-473.

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[7] Collections Canada, War of 1812, Board of Claims and Losses, Microfilm t-1127, pages 1217-1229.

[8] Carl Benn, A Mohawk Memoir from the War of 1812, John Norton – Teyoninhokarawen, University of Toronto Press, 2019, pages 122-123.

[9] The Fife and Drum, The Newsletter of The Friends of Fort York and Garrison Common, Volume 16, Number 4, September, 2012, page 7.

[10] Carl Benn, A Mohawk Memoir from the War of 1812, John Norton – Teyoninhokarawen, University of Toronto Press, 2019, page 123

[11] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 108-110, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 20, 2014.

[12] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 67, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[14] Doug Massey’s family history, 2014.

[15] Kirby, William and Lorne Pierce, Annals of Niagara, Macmillan Co. of Canada, Toronto, 1927, pages 195-196.

[16] Colonel E.A. Cruikshank, A Study of Disaffection in Upper Canada in 1812-1815, The Royal Society of Canada, Ottawa, 1912, page 27.

[17] Major John Richardson, Richardson’s War of 1812, edited by Alexander Casselman, Coles Publishing Company, Toronto, 1974, pages 107-108.

[18] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 73-74, accessed at www.ourroots.ca.

[19] Major John Richardson, Richardson’s War of 1812, edited by Alexander Casselman, Coles Publishing Company, Toronto, 1974, pages 104-106.

[20] Carl Benn, A Mohawk Memoir from the War of 1812, John Norton – Teyoninhokarawen, University of Toronto Press, 2019, page 123.

[21] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier in the Year 1813 Part II, June to August, Part 6, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 128, www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

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[24] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 112-113, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

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[28] Ernest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier in the Year 1813, Part 1 (1813), January to June, 1813, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1902, online at www.canadiana.org/ECO, accessed January 19, 2012, page 6.

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[30] Jean Murdy, Heritage, What a Beautiful Word!, May 29, 1996

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[33] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 144-149.

[34] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10383, pages 1186-1188.

[35] Death of Sir John Beverley Robinson, Bart, Toronto Globe and Mail, February 2, 1863, page 2.

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[41] Collections Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions (1763-1865), at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/microform-digitization/006003-110.02-e.php?&q2=29&interval=50&sk=0&&PHPSESSID=npfo6qij0n1rpue06msk2mqnj1,  Microfilm c-2202, pages 520-523, accessed Mar. 30, 2020

[42] Major John Richardson, Richardson’s War of 1812, edited by Alexander Casselman, Coles Publishing Company, Toronto, 1974, page 114.

[43] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Rolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 144-149.

[44] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10386, pages 929-931.

[45] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Rolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 266-268.

[46] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Rolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 103-108.

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[49] Pension Poster – Casualties, January 1, 1817, Nelles Family Fonds, Ref. Code F 542,

box MU 2192, Ontario Archives, Toronto.

[50] The Report of the Loyal and Patriotic Society of Upper Canada, with an appendix and a list of subscribers and benefactors, William Gray, Montreal, 1817, page 230-231, accessed on Dec. 14, 2018 at https://dr.library.brocku.ca/handle/10464/4754

[51] The Report of the Loyal and Patriotic Society of Upper Canada, with an appendix and a list of subscribers and benefactors, William Gray, Montreal, 1817, page 121 & 130, accessed on Dec. 14, 2018 at https://dr.library.brocku.ca/handle/10464/4754

[52] List of Orphan Children whose Fathers have been killed in Action, or have died from Wounds received or Disease contracted on Service, poster at Ontario Archives.

[53] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Rolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 1040-1052.

[54] Collections Canada, War of 1812, Board of Claims and Losses, Microfilm t-1126, pages 597-598.

[55] Pension Poster – Casualties, January 1, 1817, Nelles Family Fonds, Ref. Code F 542, box MU 2192, Ontario Archives, Toronto.

[56] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 73-74, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[57] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 130-131, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[58] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 132, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[59] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 18, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[60] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 19, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[61] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 20, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

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[62] George Sheppard, Plunder, Profit, and Paroles:  A Social History of the War of 1812 in Upper Canada, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994, page 59.

[63] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 21, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

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[65] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 137, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[66] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 23, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[67] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, pages 23-24, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[68] Irving L. Homfray, Honorary Librarian, Officers of the British Forces in Canada during the War of 1812-1815, Canadian Military Institute, Welland Tribune Print, 1908, page 34.

[69] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 24, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[70] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 25, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[71] Cruikshank, Earnest Alexander, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 141, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[72] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 153, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[73] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 27, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[74] Dorothy Duncan, Hoping for the Best, Preparing for the Worst, Dundurn, Toronto, 2012, page 195.

[75] Ely Playter’s Diary, October 22, 1812, https://twitter.com/ElyPlayter1812, accessed June 7, 2015.

[76] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, pages 27-28, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

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[77] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, pages 30-31, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

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[78] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 159, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[79] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, page 161, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[80] George Sheppard, Plunder, Profit, and Paroles:  A Social History of the War of 1812 in Upper Canada, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994, page 62.

[81] Pension Poster – Casualties, January 1, 1817, Nelles Family Fonds, Ref. Code F 542,

box MU 2192, Ontario Archives, Toronto.

[82] Earnest Alexander Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, Part 4, Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, printed at the Tribune Office, Welland, 1900, pages 163-164, at www.ourroots.ca, accessed Jan. 16, 2014.

[83] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 34, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[84] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Rolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10384, pages 723-725.

[85] Colonel E.A. Cruikshank, A Study of Disaffection in Upper Canada in 1812-1815, The Royal Society of Canada, Ottawa, 1912, page 28.

[86] Linda Corupe, U.E., Upper Canada Justice, Early Assize Court Records of Ontario, Vol. 2, 1810-1818, transcribed and indexed 2008, pages 71-73.

[87] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 34, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[88] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 37, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[89] Captain Samuel Ridout’s Order Book, page 39, Reference RG8-1, Microfilm C-3519,

            Accessed Feb. 9, 2017 at http://data2.archives.ca/e/e435/e010869208.pdf

[90] Ely Playter’s Diary, October, 1812, https://twitter.com/ElyPlayter1812, accessed June 7, 2015.

[91] Benjamin Smith’s Diary, Benjamin Smith Fonds F582, Ontario Archives, Toronto, Ontario.

[92] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10387, pages 23-26.

[93] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10386, page 978.

[94] Collections Canada, War of 1812:  Upper Canada Returns, Nominal Payrolls and Paylists, Microfilm t-10386, pages 929-931.

[95] The Report of the Loyal and Patriotic Society of Upper Canada, with an appendix and a list of subscribers and benefactors, William Gray, Montreal, 1817, page 244-245, accessed on Dec. 14, 2018 at https://dr.library.brocku.ca/handle/10464/4754

[96] List of Orphan Children whose Fathers have been killed in Action, or have died from Wounds received or Disease contracted on Service, poster at Ontario Archives, Toronto.

[97] Militia Pensions Agents Office, York, 1st October, 1817, List of Widows, poster at the Ontario Archives, Toronto.

End



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